The glass ballot box lie

THE BALLOT BOX LIE

James E. Campbell

Tells the Truth.

Does Not Mince Words in

Answering His Traducers.

Governor Foraker Interested

in the Boxes.

Foraker's Letter to Governor

Luce, of Michigan.

Jim Foraker a Stockholder in the

Ballot Box Company.

Mr. Campbell Not Interested Financially

in the Box, and Brands as a Double-Dyed

Liar the Man Who

Says He Was.

In his speech at Germantown Tuesday afternoon, October 8, Hon. James E. Campbell took the opportunity of replying to the sneaking insinuations, covert innuendoes and obscure charges made against him by political opponents in reference to tho ballot-box bill introduced in Congress. Mr. Campbell said :

Some nights ago the Governor of Ohio, in Music Hall, exhibited a ballot-box and read a portion of a bill proposing a certain form of ballot-box. It was my bill, I introduced It. So far It was all right. And it was the box — the same box his brother Jim Foraker is interested in as a stockholder.

As I said before of the bill, I introduced it and It was the best bill introduced of a dozen of the same kind that were to come before the Committee on Elections.

It was in consonance with the occasion and with the surroundings that Governor Foraker was assisted in his dramatic performance at Music hall, in exhibiting the box, by that distinguished exemplar of purity in elections, by his chosen instrument of reform, Mr. George R. Topp, his chairman of the Republican Executive Committee and his member of the Board of Public Affairs, You will remember that as Governor Foraker grew eloquent in his description of tho box George Topp manipulated it and took it to pieces before the great audience just as he had been taking in pieces the people's money. Governor Foraker was, of course the star of the occasion and George Topp, of gravel fame, and the box were leading supports.

Well, as I said, that was that was the same box, but at Pike's Opera-House a few days later I made a speech in which I charged that the board of public affairs of Cincinnati was a den of thieves and proved it by beginning with Governor Foraker's ballot-box assistant, the Chairman of the Republican Executive Committee of Hamilton County, and at the same time exposed as a common liar M. Halstead, once a great writer, but whose mind is now diseased. It is Halstead you know; and not Topp, who is crazy. He has the Senatorial bee, and is weak enough and vain enough to think he can be elected to the United States Senate. He is the laughing stock even of his own employes.

I quoted from his Wilmington speech, and proved that he had told six or seven malicious lies in one speech. I then alluded to his

ABUSE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN

When he said It would be a God's mercy it Lincoln could be killed, and recalled his calumnies of Sumner, Seward, Chase, Logan, Blaine and Grant, and concluded by saying he had descended from a common scold to a common liar. That made him mad and he wrote a card — forty years an editor and he wrote a card — so you can tell how mad he must have been, and here is the card:

Mr. Campbell here read Mr. Halstead's card addressed to him saying that he had proof that Mr. Campbell was financially interested In the ballot box when he introduced the bill into Congress. The speaker made running comments on the letter, and remarked concerning Halstead's charge that he was a tool of the gang, that it was "an old gag but played out."

Replying to Halstead's charge that he did not reply to tho ballot-box charge at Pike's Opera House, Mr. Campbell said that the Forakerites were simply beating a gong to attract attention in another direction and cause the gravel incident to be forgotten.

"I didn't refer to it," said he, ''and I didn't propose to refer to it until we had rubbed in tho Topp incident to our complete satisfaction. I didn't want public attention

DISTRACTED THAT WAY,

"Now as to Mr. Halstead's charge in his card that I was financially interested In the ballot-box. Now, mark you, Mr. Halstead, is utterly irresponsible. He can call you a thief, a liar, a murderer, and you can have no recourse, unless it is to spit in his face, and no decent man would want to do that. You can't sue him for slander, because it would be like skinning a flea for its tallow.

He dare not editorially, in the columns of the Commercial Gazette, where his company would be held responsible, make that charge, and I defy him to do so.

The morning the Halstead letter appeared a reporter of the Evening Post appeared before breakfast with the C. G. and showed me the Halstead card. I then and there branded him a liar, a double liar, and said if he could prove that I was financially interested in that ballot-box I would go off the ticket, and I repeat it now. But that poor, crazy old creature, following the Senate jack o' lantern, has been howling away since in innuendos and insinuations.

Then the Cincinnati Times-Star took it up and has been writing editorials like the C. G., which read as if a lawyer had been slandering over the editor's shoulder to see that there was no

DIRECT OUTRIGHT CHARGE.

They are full of dirty slurs and insinuations, but no direct charges are made.

Then comes the Cincinnati Evening Post, which has been bought up by the Foraker combine — that's libelous, but I charge it boldly. The Cincinnati Post is a political commodity for sale to the highest bidder, and it has been purchased body and soul this year in the interest of the third-term candidate for Governor, but its influence is not worth as much as one of the white pieces of paper it spoils in being printed.

[Here Mr. Campbell read an editorial from the Evening Post of yesterday, charging that It had been proved three times over by Mr. Campbell's own signature that be was financially interested in the ballot-box bill.]

In reference to this Mr. Campbell said: "It is a lie, and the paper that publishes it I denounce as an infamous sheet, and in any way that the English language can deny I refute the outrageous slander. I never directly or indirectly, remotely or near at hand, far or near, had any interest in that box or any other box, and any language that can make my denial I would like to make use of, and in this connection I will read you the following dispatch I sent this afternoon on reading this Post editorial:

"GERMANTOWN, O., Oct. 8, 1889.

"Hon. ISAAC M. JORDAN, Cincinnati, O.: Please demand from the Cincinnati Post, as my attorney, a full and complete retraction of tho ballot-box and brewery editorial in yesterday's paper. I have just read it. I consider it clearly libelous and brand it as a lie. I desire you also to read the Cincinnati Times-Star of Saturday last, and if any of its false but carefully worded articles are libelous in law I desire the same action taken. Bring action promptly if retraction is not forthcoming, and retain Judge Harmon's firm, also.

"JAS. E. CAMPBELL."

Now we have them where we want we want them. They must now either retract or prove their statements made against me.

This afternoon I received from Morton L. Hawkins, a reputable writer employed on the Evening Post, the following dispatch:

COLONEL HAWKIN'S DISPATCH.

CINCINNATI, Oct. 8, 1889.

HON. JAMES E. CAMPBELL, Germantown, Ohio: There is much public importunity and friendly solicitude regarding the delay of your promised refutation of published charges connecting your name with an alleged questionable ballot-box trust while you were a member of Congress. The Post contained yesterday an article based on a conversation held with you last Sunday with one of your warmest political and personal friends, in which it was stated that your complete vindication was contained in a certain document, unofficial or otherwise, and you had sent for it, and that when this arrived you would be amply prepared to confound your enemies. The great interest taken in this matter by the public warrants me earnestly and respectfully requesting you to wire at once such facts and stamp for publication in this connection as will not only prove a boon to your legion of friends here, but a boomerang to those who have sought to blacken your fair name. Use the wire freely at our expense.

MORTON L. HAKWINS, Evening Post.

I at once answered as follows:

"COLONEL, M. L. HAWKINS, Daily Post, Cincinnati, Ohio: Replying to your kind and respectful dispatch, I must say that I publicly branded Halstead's card as a lie upon reading it. I have been waiting for a statement similar to his to be made editorially in the Commercial Gazette. So far it has not been done, except by imputation. The editorial in yesterday's Post, which I have just read, is the first case in which a responsible party has squarely lath fathered this wicked and libelous story, and I have wired my attorney to demand a retraction or sue for damages, as the only true way to test the falsity of the charge. JAMES E. CAMPBELL."

THE COLD FACTS.

Now, as to the facts about the introduction of the bill. Tho attorney for the ballot-box company handed me the bill, asking me to present it, because the stockholders were all Republicans, and they wanted it to come from the Democratic side so there would be no politics in it. It was introduced by request, as hundreds of bills are. I told him if he would so word it that the Attorney-General would be allowed to fix the price on the box I would do so. The bill was drawn up in that shape and the best features of the Hoar election bill introduced in the Senate added to it. The bill was so worded that the Attorney-General of the United States could fix the price, but could not make it over $25. He could go as much below that as he wanted to, but could not go above it. The power of setting the price should the bill have become a law, would have been vested in Attorney-General Miller — and there was a safe-guard — a limit, so that by no possibility could he have set it too high and the natural presumption is that any Attorney-General would set the price as low as he could, but as the bill was never heard of again, and never pushed, he had no chance to set a price at all. So much for that.

Tho Commercial Gazette has been making a lot of insinuations, casting a lot of dirty flings and printing some fanciful stuff about a certain, alleged contract, which it is pleased to call "Contract No. One Thousand." If such a contract exists, and I do not believe it does exist, I never heard of it until I read of it in the Commercial Gazette, and I say to you here and the people of Ohio that I deny absolutely, any knowledge of the existence of such a contract, and charge that it has been manufactured for the occasion. If such a contract existed I knew nothing of it, and it is probably fictitious, because Mr. John R. McLean, whose name is used in the contract, says it was used without his authority or permission, and that he never heard of it in any shape, manner or form until it appeared in the Commercial Gazette, So much for contract No. 1,000.

THERE IS ANOTHER MAN

Running for Governor of Ohio, however, who seems to have a very deep interest in that box, and who wrote to the Governor of Michigan asking him to adopt it. Governor Foraker and George Topp seemed to be soliciting together for the box in Michigan, and your own Senator Rathbone, a good Republican, now chief United States Post-Office Inspector, introduced a bill in the Ohio Senate providing for the adoption of the box in Ohio. Perhaps he introduced it at Governor Foraker's request. It is Joseph Benson Foraker, Governor of Ohio, who is interested in the ballot-box, and not the other man, and here is the proof in the shape of his letter to the Governor of Michigan:

GOVERNOR FORAKER'S BALLOT-BOX

LETTER.

"My DEAR GOVERNOR: Allow me to introduce to your favorable notice and consideration the bearer, Mr. R. G. Wood, of Cincinnati, firm of Hall & Wood, glass ballot-box inventors and manufacturers. I am informed that a measure is now pending in your Legislature for the adoption of these boxes. We use them at Cincinnati, O., and other places in this State, and they have given the very highest degree of satisfaction, resulting in greater honesty at the polls. Any favor conferred upon him will be appreciated by me.

"Most respectfully,

"J. B. FORAKER, "Governor of the State of Ohio."

"GOVERNOR LUCE, Lansing, Mich., April: I have only to say that on this generous testimonial the boxes were adopted in Michigan."

Mr. Campbell then read from one of Governor Foraker's speeches an extract in which the Governor charged him (Campbell) with introducing a ballot-box bill to form a trust which would steal from the people $1,000,000. In relation to this Mr, Campbell said:

"No man but

AN INFAMOUS SCOUNDREL

Would charge another with stealing $1,000,000, or any other sum of money, without making an investigation and informing himself of the facts, and I would scorn to make such a charge against Governor Foraker. Such a charge has been made against him, however, by others. The Springfield Democrat, owned by a man worth over a million, makes the charge. The State Democratic Committee makes the charge and it will be made public in Columbus to-night.

"They charge him with lending the use of his name as Governor of Ohio to a swindling corporation to give it the cloak of respectability that it might the better

ROB AND PILLAGE

Its innocent victims. But I would scorn to call him a thief or charge him with dishonesty until I had a chance to hear his side of the story and hear what he has to say concerning his connection with the Black Diamond Railway and its promoter, A. E. Boone, of Star Route fame. Others have charged it, and to them Governor Foraker must look for particulars.

The Republicans found a great deal of fault because I was so long in opening the campaign. When I did get it opened they were equally as much displeased because one door flew back and smashed George Topp on the nose and the other pinched the Governor's toes. Governor Foraker said the coldest, the most formal, the most business-like letter I ever read was written by an insane man, and he appointed a commission consisting of two Republicans and an alleged Democrat, who has been busily engaged in writing cards against me in a newspaper. This committee to-day wired me as follows:

THE COMMISSION'S COY TELEGRAM.

CINCINNATI, Oct. 8, 1889.

HON. JAMES E, CAMPBELL, Germantown, Ohio: In a public meeting in Cincinnati on Wednesday last you stated in substance that the Board of Public Affairs of Cincinnati is corrupt and rotten to the core, it is a den of thieves and I can prove it. We will begin on one of them now and then read a letter purporting to be written by George R. Topp, a member of that board, in support of your statement. The Governor has power to remove corrupt members of that board under Revised Statutes, section 2328,as amended, and has requested us to investigate the charges made by you and report respecting them to him, and to that end has delegated to us all powers of inquiry vested in him by law.

The party to whom the letter referred to was addressed has refused to appear before us, we ask you in the name of good government to appear in person or by representative and assist us with such evidence as you may possess to the end that it may appear whether corruption exists, and if so to furnish proof on which the Chief Executive of the state may lawfully act. Please answer it once whether you will assist us and when.

JOSEPH P. CARBERY,

W. M. WORTHINGTON

DANIEL STONE

Quoting from the dispatch Mr. Campbell said musingly:

"A den of thieves, rotten to the core.

THAT'S JUST WHAT I MEANT,

And I will prove more of it when I return to Cincinnati. We have began with Topp and there are some more of them. The only thing I object to in the dispatch of the committee, is where it says a letter purporting to be written by Topp. They know it was written by him and he don't deny it. In this convention I am reminded that the Commercial Gazette, in its head-lines the other morning, boasted of the manner in which Republican thieves were treated by Republicans in Warren County. Yes, but it doesn't treat George Topp that way. It said he was insane George must have known too much for them. But now as to Governor Foraker's commission. I answered their inquiry in respectful terms because they couched it in respectful terms. The answer was as follows:

THE ANSWER

"GERMANTOWN, O., Oct. 8, 1889.

"JOSPEH P. CARBERY AND OTHERS. Cincinnati: In reply to your message just received I must respectfully decline to submit to any body but the people of Ohio such testimony as I may have tending to show that George B. Topp or other members of the B. P. A. of Cincinnati are corrupt men, unfit for the positions they occupy.

"JAMES E. CAMPBELL."

"But still I am amused at their request that I come down and say what else I know, They say virtually: 'Come on down, Jimmie, and tell us on the quiet what you know about the thieves. Don't you give them away like you did George."

"I may look pretty young, gentlemen, but I am not unsophisticated enough for that.

THE NEXT SPEECH AND ITS CONNECTIONS.

"When I got ready to make another speech about the board of public affairs I will go to Cincinnati, hire the largest hall I can get and make the speech to as many people as I can. I will meet the people face to face where they can look into my eyes and I can, look into theirs, and I have no doubt I will have to make that speech pretty soon."